
| Vol. 150 |
No. 20 |
Statement of Senator Dianne Feinstein
“On the
OB/GYN Medical Malpractice Reform Bill”
pdf version
Mrs.
FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I cannot
support this bill. I don't believe it
reflects compromise. I don't think it is
materially changed from the bill that failed to get 50 votes last July. The major difference, as I see it, in this
bill is that the liability restrictions apply to only one medical specialty
group, obstetricians and gynecologists.
This
bill sets a national cap of $250,000 for noneconomic
damages. The cap applies not only to
suits against doctors but to suits against HMOs and to manufacturers of
gynecological or obstetric products as well.
So,
under this bill, the Dalkon Shield contraceptive
device would be shielded by this $250,000 cap regardless of the harm
caused.
Moreover,
this bill severely limits the availability of punitive damages against OB/GYNs and manufacturers of related products. The bill would also immunize manufacturers or
sellers of gynecological products approved by the FDA from punitive
damages.
The
FDA exemption sets, in a way, a downward course. If a company has an FDA-approved product on
the market and then learns of dangerous complications, the company must remove
the product from the marketplace immediately.
To provide an exemption for products with FDA approval may well be a
disincentive to prompt removal from the shelf.
I
am one who believes there needs to be a solution to rising malpractice
insurance premiums. I want to talk to
that solution in just a moment. But, it
is correct that obstetricians and gynecologists are reeling under exorbitant
medical malpractice premiums.
Obstetricians
and gynecologists had more claims against them and paid out more money to
plaintiffs than any other medical specialty between 1985 and 2000.
Prior
to the State of
OB/GYNS
in
According
to the
I
want to talk for a moment about
MICRA,
the Medical Injury Compensation Reform Act, took place 29 years ago in
Last
year, I spent several months reviewing MICRA to see what could be transferred
to the national level. I have come to
believe it is possible that reasonable caps on liability can lead to affordable
premiums.
When
MICRA was enacted in 1975, the cost of health insurance in
MICRA has
kept costs down. In 1975,
In
MICRA allows
patients to obtain health care costs, recover for loss of income, and receive
the funds they need to be rehabilitated.
And
The
proposal I would put out for people to study today takes those parts of MICRA
which I thought could serve as a national model.
For
example, a schedule of attorney's fees; a strict statute of limitations
requiring that medical negligence claims be brought within 1 year from the
discovery of an injury or within 3 years of the injury's occurrence; the
requirement that a claimant give a defendant 90 days' notice of his or her
intent to file a lawsuit before a claim can actually be filed; allowing
defendants to pay damage awards in periodic installments; and allowing
defendants to introduce evidence at trial to show that claimants have already
been compensated for their injuries through workers' compensation benefits,
disability benefits, health insurance, or other payments; and permitting the
recovery of unlimited economic damages.
All of these points are now in play in
The
differences from the California MICRA that I would propose would be in two key
areas. The first is noneconomic
damages, and the second would be punitive damages.
The
California MICRA law has a $250,000 cap on noneconomic
damages. That is what is proposed in the
pending bill. In contrast, I would
propose a national $500,000 flex cap, a general cap on noneconomic
damages. This cap would allow a State to
impose a lower or a higher limit, but it would be pivotal for those States
where the State laws do not currently allow a State to set a cap. This would allow in those States for the cap
to be $500,000.
In
catastrophic cases where a victim of malpractice was subject to severe
disfigurement, severe disability, or death, the cap would be the greater of $2
million or $50,000 times the number of years of life expectancy of the
victim. This handles the situation of a
very young victim who was really the victim of egregious malpractice.
In
addition, my proposal would have less onerous punitive damages standards than
But
I would offer a four-part test where a plaintiff would have to show by clear
and convincing evidence that the defendant, (1) intended to injure the claimant
unrelated to the provision of health care; (2) understood the claimant was
substantially certain to suffer unnecessary injury, and in providing or failing
to provide health care services, the defendant deliberately failed to avoid
such injury; (3), acted with a conscious, flagrant disregard of a substantial
and unjustifiable risk of unnecessary injury which the defendant failed to
avoid; or, (4), acted with a conscious, flagrant disregard of acceptable
medical practices in such circumstances.
I
firmly believe a variant of this type could lead to a compromise in the Senate,
but the AMA and my own medical association, the California Medical Association,
both flatly rejected this proposal last year.
They
refused any cap for noneconomic damages above
$250,000 even in catastrophic cases. To
me this makes little sense because a $250,000 cap in 1975, which was when the
cap was put in play in
There
are many specific instances of why a $250,000 noneconomic
damage, especially today, remains too low.
Let me just give you one case. I
happened to meet this woman, and it is a case that I think makes my argument
irrevocably. It is the case of Linda
McDougal. She is 46. She is a Navy veteran, an accountant, and a
mother. She was diagnosed with an
aggressive form of cancer and underwent a double mastectomy. Two days later, she was told that a mistake
was made. She didn't have cancer, and
the amputation of her breasts was not necessary. A
A
cap on noneconomic damages must take into account
severe morbidity produced by a physician's mistake, such as amputating the
wrong limb or transfusing a patient with the wrong type of blood.
I
remain a supporter of malpractice insurance reform. If at any time there would be physician
support, I believe then the necessary 60 votes in this body could be generated
for a plan such as I have just enumerated.
In
conclusion, I will vote against this bill but stand ready to participate in a
solution along the lines I have mentioned.