Orrin Hatch almost had me convinced.

In moving toward Tuesday's 10-8 vote to confirm Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito, Utah's senior senator had predictably pasted all his adversaries as liberal, and therefore not to be trusted - including Democratic committee members, abortion rights advocates, The Washington Post and The New York Times. For weeks Hatch and his Republican colleagues had argued that opposing Alito was an insult to the man's intellect, impeccable judicial record, dedication, ability, even his patriotism.

There were times in all that back and forth when Hatch's claims made sense. Stomping all over Alito for hours about his Vanguard mutual funds, for instance, grew tiresome and overblown.

Same goes for an unsavory choice of a college-era club membership with a reputation for racism and exclusion. That may say something about his character. Or, like the 98.7 percent of us who made dumb choices in college, it may also say something about how we grow up and eventually straighten out.

I was getting so aligned with Hatch I almost cast aside my last doubts about Alito. The worst I could think of him is how dull he is. Or that his wife, in that boo-hoo moment, should just toughen up.

Alito is smart, articulate, decent. Hatch, Lindsey Graham, John Kyl, Bill Frist - each are right about that. Besides, this is President Bush's administration, and he gets to pick whom he wants.

But just in time, Sen. Dianne Feinstein plunged a dagger into the proceedings. Before casting her no vote, the California Democrat noted her main reason for opposing Alito: "If one is pro-choice in this day and age, in this structure, one can't vote for Judge Alito. It is simply that simple. I am very concerned about the impact he would have on women's rights."

Thwack. I woke up.

Last Sunday marked the 33rd anniversary of Roe v. Wade. The decision to legalize abortion came down when I was 15, a sophomore at a Salt Lake suburban high school. Ican't remember a significant decision in my adult life that has not been touched by Roe, however indirectly: If and when to have children. How many children to have. Work. Play. My freedom to attend school full-time, to build a career, to travel.

It's the single issue approach to a nominee. It's the blatantly partisan approach, too. I'm glad of it. We aren't talking about deciding some insurance law that might raise our premiums. This is a fundamental freedom, an established constitutional right that is deeply nestled in the fabric of our society.

Trouble is, Alito was just too squishy on the topic to ease the understandable tension.

I'm quite sure I represent many women of my generation. I never had to consider an abortion. But the fact that my Supreme Court saw fit to recognize this right to privacy made every difference in my life, just the same.

People my age and younger have no pre-Roe memories of coat hangers and sepsis and of women whose bodies simply wore out from dozens of pregnancies.

It's easy to grow complacent. I thought, however briefly, that Alito might not be so bad. Now he's moving straight-on to a full Senate confirmation. We'll have to read the tea leaves and take him at his word that established legal precedent is something he values. As in Roe, perhaps.

At least Feinstein reminded me about the 33 years of free choice possibly riding on this man. That's more than two-thirds of my life and freedom. I'm not quite ready to give that up.